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6 10, 2025

Karen Petrou: Preserving the Public Good Along with Revising Deposit-Insurance Coverage

2025-10-06T09:27:42-04:00October 6th, 2025|The Vault|

Although HFSC’s hearing this week is cancelled due to the shut-down, there is no doubt that Congress will give careful consideration to proposals from mid-sized banks seeking a lot more deposit insurance for selected accounts.  But this doesn’t mean Congress will also advance this proposal unchanged or unaccompanied.  Last week’s letter from Chair Scott to Acting FDIC Chair Hill makes it clear that the Senate Banking Committee head is carefully and correctly thinking through not just which banks win or lose with FDIC-coverage changes, but also what these policies mean to the public good.  In short, it’s a lot.

Sen. Scott focuses on three important questions about the second-order effects of coverage change:  what might happen to depositor behavior, what rules might need to change to offset unintended consequences, and whether statutory change is needed to limit moral hazard.  How FDIC coverage changes for whom drives answers to each of these questions, but several over-arching effects are clear.

First, limiting added FDIC coverage to banks based on certain asset-size thresholds ensures that banks without added protection will not roll over and cough up more insurance premiums.  They’ll do what they can to avoid costs unaccompanied by benefit.  The largest banks are thus likely to reduce higher-cost domestic deposits and replace them with FHLB advances, wholesale deposits, and global funding.  If they substitute these for higher-cost retail and small-business deposits, as seems more than likely, then big banks are also likely to increase their reliance on short-term assets that accord with …

25 09, 2023

Karen Petrou: How to Right the Raft of New Rules

2023-09-25T09:28:19-04:00September 25th, 2023|The Vault|

What struck me most about the HFSC hearing at which I testified last week was how lukewarm Democrats are to the new rules unless they feel compelled to defend the White House or core political objectives.  When the partisan spotlight dimmed, more than a few Democrats said that the rules might have both small and even significant perverse consequences. Given that GOP-led repeal of the rules is impossible and court overturn is at best a lengthy process, hard work to get the rules more to the middle is essential.  Even if large banks still think the rules are bad, they’ll be better and that’s all to the good.

What’s the how-to?  In short, it’s a concerted campaign to fix the most problematic technical confusions in the massive body of new rules – these are manifest and manifold, focusing hard on obvious flaws and saving raging debates such as those over how big banks should be for another day.  I think this approach is best not only because it avoids political landmines, but also because it works.

In the mid-2000s, a group of custody banks with which we worked laid out numerous unintended consequences in the Basel II approach to operational risk-based capital.  By the time this landed in the final Basel III rules, it wasn’t great, but it was a lot, lot better in terms of actually capitalizing real risk at savings mounting to billions in what would have been unnecessary regulatory capital.

My testimony lays out a road-map of …

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